This paper seeks to suggest certain principles of good governance for children, drawing on examples of local city governments from around the world that have addressed childrens needs in new ways. It does not focus on what was done in these cases, but rather the principles behind these actions that can be transferred from city to city. The paper examines the responsibility of different authorities and service providers towards children, and the importance of defining these responsibilities and integrating them into public agencies agendas. It looks at definitions of good governance and the evaluation of the quality of the relationship between government institutions and civil society. It proposes that good governance for children means ensuring a web of local institutions that warrant service provision, protection and participation of children. This includes making sure that children feel that their views and needs are taken seriously. The role of local government is examined, and innovative initiatives for involving children in local governance are analysed. The discussion leads up to conclusions on how to create incentives for local action and developing a local plan. Factors facilitating the process are proposed such as national constitutions that support rights-based approaches; bottom-up democratic pressure; decentralisation; national legislation; national government commitment for support; international human rights conventions; and top-down democratic safe-guards for political rights and support for local democracy. The paper also focuses especially on the importance of information systems; training for those who deal with children; learning from othersÆ experiences; integrating support of children in all areas of governance; and cities working for and with parents. Text boxes are included through the paper, presenting and analysing different examples of city governance involving children (e.g. PRODEL in Nicaragua and the Childrens Participatory Budget Council in Barra Mansa, Brazil).
Engendering greater citizen rights in Campfire: a double edged sword?: some reflections from the case study of Hurungwe
When the Communal Areas Management Programme for Indigenous Resources (CAMPFIRE) was formulated in the late 1980s it was seen as introducing a compendium of rights related to making a living from the management of wildlife resources by local communities. Since the mid-1990s questions have been asked about the nature and form of citizen rights (if any) that the CAMPFIRE model engenders. Specific questions have centred on whether there was adequate devolution of authority to enhance community participation above the level of ArnsteinÆs tokenism. This paper looks at CAMPFIRE ten years on through a case study of Hurungwe district in Zimbabwe. It shows that to some, CAMPFIRE was able to: develop new skills and knowledge (district level bureaucratic and village elites); provide limited mitigation against some covariate risks in a generally neglected frontier region; and, more crucially provide a platform to demand accountability from elected leadership. To others, CAMPFIRE is resented as synonymous with usurped rights to make a living (evicted squatters and victims of wildlife damage). The paper argues with some specific examples that the exercise of citizen power can be a double-edged sword. While benefiting some, for others it has trampled on their rights to make a living. While enhancing participation and accountability, the practice of the same citizen power is potentially detrimental to wildlife conservation. The paper concludes that although there are still unresolved tensions in the CAMPFIRE model, not least a shared understanding of the nature and place of citizenship rights and the final end state of devolved wildlife management, the core principles and founding values of CAMPFIRE are still ideals to strive for.
How participatory is participation in social funds?: an analysis of three case studies from the Malawi social action fund, (MASAF)
The majority of the evaluations looking at community participation in social funds (SFs) have tended to generalise about the nature of community participation. As a result, there does not appear to be an adequate analysis of the participatory process itself to assess the depth and scope of community participation and whether such participation can generate the benefits associated with the new approach. This paper attempts to contribute to this existing knowledge gap by analysing the nature and type of community participation in three Social Fund projects from Mangochi district of southern Malawi. The paper examines the concept of and different levels of community participation (from passive participation to self-mobilisation), and community participation in social funds worldwide. Community participation in three case studies from the Malawi Social Action Fund (MASAF) are analysed. The case studies included the Chilipa Community Day Secondary School, the Ngao School for orphans, and a construction of a road linking Mbaluku and Nalikolo under the MASAF Public Works Programme. The author examines community participation in practice of needs assessment and project selection, project planning, project implementation, monitoring and evaluation and maintenance. The concept of community participation in each of the three case studies is examined. It is concluded that the definition of community participation in the three MASAF projects was very narrow and limited, takin on a passive and indirect nature. Consequently, the projects are found to fail to generate the benefits that are attributed to community participation in development initiatives while at the same time failing to empower the local community to take charge of decisions that contribute to their well-being and social advancement.
This PGIS Training Kit has been developed by CTA and IFAD with the objective "to support the spread of 'good practice' in generating, managing, analysing and communicating community spatial information". It includes 15 modules written by a number of authors and is available from the website
Rigour can be reductionist or inclusive. To learn about and understand conditions of complexity, emergence, nonlinearity and unpredictability, the inclusive rigour of mixed methods has been a step in the right direction. From analysis of mixed methods and participatory approaches and methods, this article postulates canons for inclusive rigour for research and evaluation for complexity: eclectic methodological pluralism; improvisation and innovation; adaptive iteration; triangulation; plural perspectives; optimal ignorance and appropriate imprecision; and being open, alert and inquisitive. Inclusive rigour is inherent in participatory methods and approaches, visualisations, group-visual synergy, the democracy of the ground and participatory statistics. Transparent reflexivity, personal behaviour and attitudes, and good facilitation are fundamental. Fully inclusive rigour for complexity demands many personal, institutional and professional revolutions.
These guidelines are the result of dedicated work originally in Bangladesh, where this approach was developed, and subsequently in Malawi where it was applied and improved. The document explains the Community-led approach to development (CLA), examines its successes, defines the key principles and goes on to detail the main stages of using this approach to development. It concludes with future challenges. There is a short animated film entitled ‘Citizen-led approach’ that accompanies these guidelines.