In order to obtain detailed information about project participants's daily tasks, particularly in a gender context, 139 calenders were constructed for one specific day. The timeline focused on all the activities undertaken during that day, including agricultural work. Men did more agricultural work than women, although women worked harder overall. Of the 103 agricultural workers surveyed, the men spent more time with livestock, both were involved in nursery work, and men carried out slightly more work in the fields. The other projects studied were water and santitation, women's income generating projects and education. The gender difference in perception of agricultural tasks is noted, which relates closely to time spent talking, resting and in 'reproductive' chores.
This synthesis and review of participatory work on illbeing and poverty is part of the "Consultations with the Poor" project, which has undertaken to work with poor people in 23 countries to dsicover their perspective on four key themes: illbeing and wellbeing, problems and priorities, institutional relationships and gender. It examines participatory work undertken outside of national level participatory poverty assessments and represents some of the work on illbeing and poverty carried out by NGOs, research institutes and advocacy organisations. The collection of work repeatedly shows that, from the perspectives of poor people, context-specific livelihood issues and their dynamics at both the inter- and intra-household levels are central to the experience of poverty, and to identifying and taking advantage of opportunities to leave it behind.
Participatory Rural Appraisal was conducted in two villages in Southern India in order to supplement formal survey information. One of the objectives was to develop a procedure for determining emic indicators of health and nutrition security. Four types of PRA were employed: i) participatory mapping (conducted separately by women and men) - to identify 'high' and 'low' risk households; ii) food charts - participants use beans to indicate the relative importance of foods consumed; iii) women's activity chart - beans are used to indicate the relative time spent on daily activities. iv) seasonality chart - this method was conducted with small groups (differentiated by gender and caste) to understand the yearly changes in rainfall, harvest of staples, food consumption, labour demand, childhood illness and women's illness. An ethnographer used in-depth interviews, key informant interviews, focus group and participant observation to conduct six household case studies in the two survey villages. The PRA techniques generated emic indicators of food-security which could be compared with the etic indicators of the formal survey.
This report describes the technique of body mapping - a crucial innovation for anyone working with women (and possibly men?), on issues of reproductive health, health generally and sex education. The article begins with a description of the author's observation that traditional concepts and language about the body were being used to communicate contraceptive methods. Body mapping was developed from there. In the case study presented the technique was used to bridge the gap between western and traditional knowledge, though importantly, not to replace western knowledge with traditional knowledge. Method is described in detail. There is an important behaviour and attitudes point - that for trainers and community workers to take people's own ideas about their bodies seriously, requires a major shift in attitudes about traditional vs "western" knowledge.
Body mapping (pictures of the perceived working of the female reproductive system) was conducted with women in southern Zimbabwe. The study aimed at bridging local knowledge and western medical explanations of non-indigenous contraception. Maps were drawn on the ground with a stick. The use of body maps helped to generate discussions from which an understanding of local idioms and ideas of contraception emerged.
The process and results of a planning workshop with farmers in Mutoko District, Zimbabwe, suggest that women were able to set their priorities and influenced the problem ranking and project planning in the presence of their male counterparts. This chapter discusses the methodology and gender-related results of the workshop.
A memo from Ravi Kanbur on the project is attached
Over a fourteen-month period, the author lived in two rural villages in south-central Bali and "tested the application of PRA tools with over 300 women and men (villagers to provincial government officials) to explore their gender roles, gender perceptions, gender relations and their Practical (PGN) and Strategic Gender Needs (SGN)". Government-designed programmes for women were also evaluated. Chapters 1 and 2 show how PRA has more in common with GAD (Gender And Development) than the WID (Women In Development) approach, since "they both focus upon relations of power". GAD and PRA are seen to be complementary approaches: GAD uses "extractive tools, with outsiders conducting interviews and participant observation" whilst PRA "has not addressed questions concerning exactly who within a community participates" and lacks tools to address conflict. Certain PRA tools do not enable women to express their particular perceptions and needs. Chapter 3 describes the research methodology in detail, analysing which PRA tools were successful in the field. Chapter 4 presents findings, showing that women have tended to become "implementers of government development initiatives, rather than participants in their own development". Conclusions (Ch 5) include evaluation of the research approach, listing the strengths and weaknesses of PRA and GAD in detail. Recommendations (Ch 6) suggest how PRA could be integrated into Gender Analysis training programmes.
A seven day workshop focusing on participatory methods for community development was held in Natal, South Africa. The workshop used the SARAR approach, which 'aims to support the growth of self-esteem by facilitating 'learning events' which encourage people to develop their creative and analytic capacity to identify and solve problems'. Using methods similar to PRA, such as community mapping, the facilitators tried to address issues around gender conflict. This account analyses how the workshop went wrong : the relationship between facilitators (white women) and the largely male black participants broke down completely due to underlying racial and gender tensions, and also the 'inflexibility' of the programme. Intensely personal reflections by the facilitators on their roles reveal the 'many layers of gender dynamics' and the implicit power issues in outsiders trying to initiate such discussions through 'top-down and academic methods'. Finally, the facilitators analyze how they could have learned to welcome the knowledge brought by the 'disturbers' (the men who 'resisted' the workshop) and the 'shadow' side of creativity and participation.